Sandra M. Rodrigues Balão

University of Lisbon
ISCSP

Rua de Mozambique, 3
Linda-a-Velha, Oeiras
Portugal
2795-142
sbalao@iscsp.ulisboa.pt |  Visit Personal Website


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The effect of globalization on public policies in general is one of my major concerns. Also, and recently, I have been working on economic diplomacy and the Portuguese Internationalization Policy. Since I attended the European Polar Summit in June, 2009 in Brussels, was APECS co-convenor of the International Polar Year Conference, held in Montreal, Canada in April (2012) and participate as a speaker in the ArcticCircle.org Conference in Reykjavik last October (2013) [and again in 2015 with Mario Pontes and this year of 2016) within the NRFsecurity and geopolitics] research network, the focus of my work is centered on the merger of globalization and geopolitics within the foreign and defense/security policies along with multilevel governance strategies in what concerns to the Arctic region and Lusophone world. Also, the regional integration process policies around the world are being considered in my research as intermediate stages for global integration and, therefore, to global government/governance, in the way which is proposed by what I call the "global relations ultimate complexity and interdependence law". The great strategic game of public policy is now being played in multilevel dimensions and the virtual one is not to be forgotten, also.

Citation:
BALÃO, Sandra Maria Rodrigues (2016). “Geopolítica e Geoestratégia do Árctico no século XXI: Inovação ou Recorrência?”, in Lara, António de Sousa, ed. Previsão e Mudança. Estudos Políticos e Sociais. pp. 75-149, Lisboa: Ed. MGI.
Abstract: À medida que as alterações climáticas parecem “ganhar terreno”, afigura-se-nos cientificamente pertinente equacionar a relevância geoestratégica que parece ter vindo a ser progressivamente [mais] reconhecida à região Árctica por parte das Escolas Geopolíticas. Assim, desde a "fase" clássica até ao momento presente (TESE), procurando identificar os pontos de quebra (dando origem a potencial via de inovação) (ANTÍTESE) e os de continuidade procuraremos, tendo por base a realidade dos factos, discutir sobre a existência ou não de uma regra geral/padrão/recorrência (SÍNTESE) no reconhecimento persistente desta relevância ou o seu contrário. Optando pela metodologia hegeliana e pelo modelo de análise multinível, desenvolver-se-á uma investigação que terá como epicentro os contributos da geopolítica crítica de modo a “desconstruir” discursos, imagens e percepções.
Citation:
BALÃO, Sandra Maria Rodrigues (2014). “The European Union’s Arctic Strategy (ies): The Good and/or the Evil?”, in Heininen, Lassi, ed. Security and Sovereignty in the North Atlantic. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, pp. 100-124.
Abstract: The European Union (EU) as a supranational regional organization considers itself to be in the Arctic region through three of its member states - – Denmark, including Greenland which has the status of an Overseas Countries and Territories within the Union, Finland, and Sweden - – and two other members of the European Economic Area - – Iceland and Norway. The main objective of this chapter is to identify the dominant characteristics of each EU Arctic Strategy “definitions” from 2005 till date and to analyze its evolution by exploring political as well as security and defense, issues in a multilevel and multi-perspective dimension.
DOI: 10.1057/9781137470720.a
Citation:
BALÃO, Sandra Maria Rodrigues (2015), “O Árctico no Século XXI – Geopolítica Crítica e Guerra”, in Lara, António de Sousa, ed. Em Caso de Guerra. Lisboa: MGI, pp. 39-88.
Abstract: À medida que as alterações climáticas tornam a região Árctica progressivamente mais acessível, novas rotas marítimas potenciais prometem reduzir a duração das viagens e os custos, assim como estreitar os laços entre os maiores centros de actividade comercial. No entanto, a crescente actividade registada na região sugere que a mesma possa vir a tornar-se palco de intensas negociações e de possíveis conflitos que poderão degenerar em guerra. Um facto parece inquestionável: as alterações climáticas que se registam à escala global catapultaram a região árctica para o centro da geopolítica e o ritmo e níveis do degelo ali registados apresentam-se como os factores directamente responsáveis pela transformação de uma região de interesse fundamentalmente científico numa outra, para onde se convergem preocupações comerciais, de segurança nacional e ambiental, todas elas com profundas implicações nos sistemas político e legal internacionais
Citation:
Balão, Sandra Maria Rodrigues. 2014. "Portugal, CPLP and the EU. A Multilevel and Regional Power Dynamics Analysis", Spring Research School, OP/Georgia Institute of Technology, Lisboa.
Abstract: It is interesting to consider the possible articulation among these three political actores, with different levels of action but with a considerable grade of interdependence, Power and Culture are factors to be considered as structural in what concerns to the first ones. However, for the EU and considering its traditional soft power strategy, it is something to be considered, seriously. Moreover, the traditionally considered quantitative potential power elements (as in Cline's formula) can offer a very interesting evolving perspective: the CPLP can achieve a considerable performance, as a whole, in the global balance of powers, just after EU (2010 data)...
Citation:
Balão, Sandra Maria Rodrigues. 2014, "Crisis and Global Transformations - the mood for improving social sciences application in the XXI Century.The Arctic region and the Gulf of Guinea in comparison.", Portuguese Political Science Association, Observatório Político, Lisboa (with peer review) [fothcoming]
Abstract: Many scholars tend to consider that the turned-to-be visible and so-called “2008 economic and financial crisis” marked the beginning of a period of social transformation and uncertainty that continues to characterize present (and maybe future) social development in unplanned and unexpected ways, frequently with harmful effects. Thus, it is important to either think about the role of social sciences, in its wider or restrict perspective. In fact, they are, in any way (and in parallel), a tool of knowledge production and explanation & interpretation about human social existence within societies, assuming a role that tend to become more and more relevant in direct correlation with the challenges and risks to be dealt with and answered in the present century. Social sciences provide the tools that enable the acquisition of a better understanding of the character of this rapid and complex social transformation. Besides, they assure a way for orientating people and social practice as to how greater collective democratic control can be acquired over the manner and direction of this overall process. With all these previous considerations in mind, we consider that its contribution for studying scarcely known regions of the globe (as it is the case of the Arctic region or the Gulf of Guinea – that happens to be important global and regional politics hotspots) is of the utmost importance. Furthermore, there are enough evidences that show that the renewed global transformations occurring in the so-called rich, industrialized, peaceful, free and democratic world may contain infectious agents able to condition up to now healthy regions. The main purpose of this paper is to demonstrate how a crisis (and not exclusively the 2008 one) can be responsible for global transformations which effects must be analyzed and explained. A second purpose is directly related to the choice of the cases of the Arctic region and of the Gulf of Guinea. Both are [new] real and potential strategic natural resources hotspots where the effects of these [new] global transformations achieve either a (supranational) regional or a (supranational) global, what explains the need of an acute attention and long run perspectives of analysis. Thirdly, the final objective to be pursued is – by exploring the real and potential effects of these changing status quo on human social existence in those regions – to prove the need for social sciences “looking to reality as it is”. In the end, an exploratory Social Sciences Strategy for the XXI Century will be designed, stressing the need of a renewed responsibility for the social sciences. The methodology will be qualitative, documental. The perspectives of analysis to be considered will be, preferable, the realist, empirical and systemic. Due to the comparison exercise some statistical data can be used.
Citation:
Balão, Sandra Maria Rodrigues. 2014, -“A Matriz do Poder. Uma visão analítica da Globalização e da Anti-Globalização no Mundo Contemporâneo", 2ª Edição, Ed. MGI, Lisboa.
Abstract: O problema em análise tem por base o movimento de Globalização, articulado com a Democracia e os seus modus operandi e modus vivendi na construção da Nova Ordem Global Contemporânea©. O contributo deste estudo torna-se fundamental para a Ciência Política, na exacta medida em que o diagnóstico do movimento considerado em paralelo com o funcionamento real da Democracia oferece uma visão fora do “pronto a pensar” e “pronto a dizer” que tendem a caracterizar o nosso tempo. O estudo socorre-se do método dialéctico, em que a Globalização é a Tese, a Anti-Globalização a Antítese, e a Alter-Globalização a Síntese possível. É uma análise que conjuga as ópticas da Ciência Política, Estratégia, Geopolítica, História, Relações Internacionais e Sociologia. Recorrendo à metodologia de análise ostrogorskiana© que anteriormente desenvolvemos, estudámos a acção paralela e concertada das “máquinas”, dos novos e velhos actores -“Caucus e Rings”-, e dos seus agentes -“Bosses”- numa escala multinível, com ênfase no global, verificando se e como moldam a percepção da vida social aos olhos dos cidadãos. A outra face da moeda - o anti - não existe. Tal como na clássica oposição entre quem governa e quem quer vir a governar é proposta uma alternativa. E não se trata da destruição da Globalização. Antes pelo contrário.
Citation:
Balão, Sandra Maria Rodrigues. 2014, -“Globalização, Geopolítica do Mar Português e o Árctico. Perspectivas para o século XXI", in Dias, C.M. (Coord.), Geopolítica e o Mar, Ed. MGI, Lisboa, 2014 (133-227) (with peer review/com arbitragem científica).
Abstract: This paper has three main objectives. The first one is to explore the geopolitics of the Portuguese sea in the double perspective given by the relevance of both the diachronic and synchronic timelines; in the past and in the present [but also in the expected future(s)] – both to Portugal and to the World -, particularly in what concerns to its role in the multilevel perspective, but with particular concern on the Global Politics (the hyperscopic scale of analysis). The article will explore the outputs of this symbiotic equation centered in a century of deep environmental challenges with important changes occurring worldwide, namely in the Arctic region and in articulation with the claims on the extension of the continental shelves in the respective UN Commission. These will be the consequences to be explored as important issues due to the expected influence in the Portuguese sea geopolitics, namely the opportunity for its re-centering within the main Atlantic sea routes.
Citation:
Balão, Sandra Maria Rodrigues. 2014, -“ENISA e a Estratégia Europeia de Cibersegurança: Fundamentos Supranacionais de uma Estratégia Nacional de (Ciber)Segurança de Informações", in Lara, A.S. (Ed.), Crise, Estado e Segurança, Ed. MGI, Lisboa, 2014 (127-167) (with peer review/com arbitragem científica).
Abstract: Informação é conhecimento e a sua good governance é sinónimo de poder. No que aos Estados diz respeito, este poder efectivo também se mede pela capacidade de acesso, processamento, difusão e salvaguarda de informação vital. Nesse contexto, a existência da World Wide Web e da Internet – ao permitirem a criação de uma dimensão espácio-temporal virtual, paralela àquela em que fisicamente vivemos – representa, desde logo, um potencial inédito. As suas oportunidades e ameaças apresentam-se, obviamente, como proporcionais. Este artigo procura evidenciar a importância de uma Estratégia Nacional de Informação numa análise que considerará no seu core a Cibersegurança na medida em que se assiste a uma tendencialmente crescente e cada vez mais crítica relevância dos sistemas de controlo da informação para as diferentes geografias de poder. Por isso, procurar-se-á ter presente e aplicar à análise que se desenvolverá, o princípio dicotómico do panopticon, retomando a velha mas sempre actual problemática do visível e do invisível, assim como as suas repercussões para a Democracia explorando para tal, no contexto mais amplo da Estratégia Europeia de Cibersegurança, o papel da ENISA e a segurança do Ciberespaço. A razão de Estado permanece silenciosa mas persistentemente presente, também, no domínio deste mundo “alternativo” de inúmeros cenários e níveis possíveis onde a acção pode concretizar-se quer paralela quer alternadamente. Também por isso interessa compreender onde é que a Geopolítica e a Geoestratégia se situam nesta equação em termos gerais mas, sobretudo, no domínio da Estratégia de Europeia de Cibersegurança considerando para tal a análise da acção da agência responsável pela segurança da informação e respectivas redes, em particular. Do ponto de vista metodológico, em face da complexidade do problema equacionado, optamos por uma perspectiva de análise predominantemente institucional, funcionalista e sistémica, mas socorrendo-nos de uma visão comparativa onde se justifique. Considerando a natureza do objecto de estudo definido, a óptica de análise multi-nível/multi-escala a par da assumpção de uma dimensão hiperescópica e prismática, acompanha a complexidade daquele.
Citation:
Balão, Sandra Maria Rodrigues. 2014, -“As NTIC, o Ciberespaço e a “Imagem do Poder” - Uma análise ostrogorskiana da Política Global contemporânea", Revista Agenda Política, UFSCar, Vol. 2 - nº 1, 2014 (204-233) (with peer review/com arbitragem científica).
Abstract: Poder, Informação, Segurança, Democracia e Desenvolvimento apresentam-se, no século XXI, como problemas de renovada e maximizada relevância. No âmbito do “jogo” da política global contemporânea, daquela que tem lugar no momento presente, é assumido pela opinião pública em geral e também pelos mais conceituados autores e teorizadores de reconhecido mérito internacional que o colapso das Torres do World Trade Center em Nova Iorque deram “o mote” para uma Nova Ordem Global Contemporânea, assente na informação como instrumento de garantia da segurança, sobretudo colectiva. Neste contexto, o Estado surge, formalmente, como um dos actores mais interessados na criação de um statu quo em que as Novas Tecnologias de Informação e Comunicação (NTIC) sejam formatadas para servir o “interesse nacional” (Kuehl, 2009). Aliás, essas mesmas NTIC deverão ser parte integrante de um interesse nacional, numa sociedade constituída por múltiplas comunidades (quer à escala local, nacional, multinacional ou global) que se querem de conhecimento. Mas, os factos apontam no sentido de que os Direitos, Liberdades e Garantias individuais até então considerados, no Primeiro Mundo, pelo menos, como intocáveis, passaram a ser relegadas para um plano secundário, enquanto o critério “colectivo”, grupal, organicista, ressurgiu como o mais relevante e justificativo do pensamento mas, sobretudo, da acção. Sistemas de vigilância, instrumentos biométricos de controlo individual, controlo das comunicações no ciberespaço ou nas redes de telecomunicações são, apenas, alguns dos (novos) meios de controlo social que partem do controlo e limitação do indivíduo, assumindo a pole position na condução da política à escala global, mas considerando-a em articulação com a perspectiva multinível ou multi-escala e, também, multidimensão.
Citation:
Balão, Sandra Maria Rodrigues. 2014. -“The European Union's Arctic Strategy(ies): The Good and or the Evil?", in Heininen, Lassi (Ed.), Security and Sovereignty in the North Atlantic – Small States, Middle Powers and their Maritime Interests, Palgrave Pivot, Palgrave, London, 2014 (forthcoming/no prelo) (with peer review/com arbitragem científica).
Abstract: The European Union as a supranational regional organization considers itself to be in the Arctic through three of its member states (Denmark – including Greenland; Finland and Sweden) and two of the European Economic Area Partnership (Iceland and Norway). Due to its ultra-peripheral regions, the EU has the 1st world maritime territory with 25 million km2 of economic zone and that is why issues associated to climate changes and the continental shelf enlargement are so important, namely those related with politics (in a broad sense), security & defence or trade. From 2005 until present days, the EU Arctic Strategy registered some changes and its tune seems to be aligned with that of, at least, some of the most powerful world actors (as always), in what seems to be a contradiction with its own traditional ideals and values. The main objective of this paper is to identify the dominant characteristics of each EU Arctic Strategy “definitions” and to analyse its evolution exploring the political and the security & defence issues in a multilevel and multi-perspective dimension as, for example, the case of the Arctic Council Observer Status repeatedly requested by the EC – its causes and consequences. And, concerning the balance of the proposals made for each period, it is important to identify the existing proximity and/or distance between political speech of EU representatives and the contents of the published official documents.
Citation:
BALÃO, Sandra Maria Rodrigies et alii (2013), "Elite and Middle-Class destruction under the international financial crisis". 7th ECPR General COnference. Science Po, Bordeaux, September 04-07.
Abstract: The international financial crisis demonstrates the objective and clear existence of government failures as formulated in the Public Choice Theory. The financial markets pressure on the most fragile economies caused institutions as the IMF, CEB and EU to intervene in western developed countries in such a way that was only seen until now in the so-called “third world” or “developing” countries. The long term consequences of this so-called “aid” can put in question the main existing constitutional rights, liberties and guarantees and by doing so, democracy itself. So, the main question remains to be answered: what is to be expected from the elites in this new conceptual framework? The main objective of this paper is to argue that this kind of intervention causes a direct effect on the so-called middle-class in such a way that will contest its economic sustainability, which is to say, its own existence. In order to accomplish this goal, the methodology will consider both the qualitative and quantitative approaches along with an interdisciplinary perspective of analysis. Sandra Maria Rodrigues Balão ISCSP-ULisboa [CAPP(P&G)/FCT] [School of Social and Political Sciences – Lisboa University (Politics & Government Research Group - Public Policies and Administration Centre/recognized and certified by the Portuguese Science and Technology Foundaton)] AND Mário Rodrigues Pontes [ISCSP-CAPP(P&G)/FCT] [School of Social and Political Sciences - Politics & Government Research Group - Public Policies and Administration Centre/recognized and certified by the Portuguese Science and Technology Foundaton)]
Citation:
BALÃO, Sandra Maria Rodrigues et alii (2013). "Security and Defense as Portugal's Bational Strategy Pillar". 7th ECPR General Conference, Science Po, Bordeaux, September 04-07.
Abstract: Abstract: Portugal is a founding member of NATO and both a member of the WEU and the European Union, also. Considering the current challenges the Defense sector is facing due to, on the one hand, the growing conflict potential and, on the other hand, the budget constraints the western world is dealing with, European Western countries need to consider security and defense as part of a modern, complex and integrated vision of “classic” concepts as a way to assure a proper answer to its national and international responsibilities. A modern security and defense national strategy concept must be built under budgetary adverse conditions and a high development performance expectation as a smart reform strategy along with the already known and defensible premise of smart defense. Therefore, the main objective of this paper will be to try to design Portugal’s smart reform strategy concept that can answer to the newest challenges and needs the country is facing, considering its NATO, EU and National defense and security responsibilities within the global crisis environment, besides contributing to the new Portuguese security and defense national concept. In order to accomplish this goal, the methodology will consider both the qualitative and quantitative approaches along with an interdisciplinary perspective of analysis. Sandra Maria Rodrigues Balão ISCSP-ULisboa [CAPP(P&G)/FCT] [School of Social and Political Sciences – Lisboa University (Politics & Government Research Group - Public Policies and Administration Centre/recognized and certified by the Portuguese Science and Technology Foundaton)] AND Mário Rodrigues Pontes [ISCSP-CAPP(P&G)/FCT] [School of Social and Political Sciences - Politics & Government Research Group - Public Policies and Administration Centre/recognized and certified by the Portuguese Science and Technology Foundaton)]
Citation:
BALÃO, Sandra Maria Rodrigues (2013). "The Regional and Global Dimensions of the International Commons Ideology Diffusion: the Arctic Case", 54th ISA Annual Convention, San Francisco CA, 03-06 Aprl.
Abstract: ABSTRACT Environmental and indigenous peoples interests are the arguments usually used to justify the international attention being given to the Arctic Region in the XXIst century. However, the important issues are considered to be those related with Politics and Security, instead. Therefore, the International Relations, Political Science and Strategic Studies academic discussions on the subject are being presented as centered in issues directly or indirectly related to the governance and government of the Arctic as the circumpolar States claim for their sovereign rights to be reinforced by the growing continental shelf enlargement recognition expectations presented in the correspondent UN Commission. Antagonist interests are rising on a State/individual level, but also on a supra-national/multilateral one, which explains that a multilevel analysis is to be considered in this paper. Some of the questions we are considering are, for example: "Does it make sense to expect the Global Commons argument to be transformed into Ideology and give way to a global Governance framework for the Arctic region or is it just another Great Power Politics issue?”; “Is this expected outcome the result of a top-down global and regional dimensions diffusion mechanism?" and “Who are the main actors mutually enabling or disabling diffusion and what are the causal mechanisms carrying out or blocking diffusion in this case?”. The methodology will be qualitative, supported by a documental analysis. Institutional and comparative perspectives along with a systemic, geopolitical, realistic, and hyperscopic analysis are also considered in the research on this complex subject as well as in the analysis being presented in this paper. Sandra Maria Rodrigues Balão ISCSP-ULisboa [CAPP(P&G)/FCT] [School of Social and Political Sciences – Lisboa University (Politics & Government Research Group - Public Policies and Administration Centre/recognized and certified by the Portuguese Science and Technology Foundaton)]
Citation:
BALÃO, Sandra Maria Rodrigues (2013). "US, the EU and NATO: a security & defense transatlantic cooperation intelligence strategy?". 7th Transatlantic Studies Conference, Instituto Franklin de Estudios Americanos,Universidad de Alcalá de Henares, Alcalá de Henres, October 24-26.
Abstract: US, the EU and NATO: a security & defense transatlantic cooperation intelligence strategy? It is often claimed that in such issues as security and defense ones “the US is from Mars while the EU is from Venus” (Kagan, 2003). In fact, the decision-making and decision-taking processes are quite different, as the correspondent consequences are, also. However, and in spite of the different historical paths, political organization and Constitutional tradition being identified as fundamental characteristics of each of those actors, the fact is that there is an important set of values, needs and resources that they both share and pursue. Several factors can be considered as justifying those different behavioral and discursive approaches to the same problems both for the US and the EU: the religious dominant faith (protestant/jewish in the US vs catholic/orthodox in the EU) and its influences in several domains of the societal life as it can explain (at least in part) the existence or absence of a pragmatic spirit and an assertive way of facing the problems, either considering it as challenges or threats; the genetic recognition and identification of a national interest and sources of the national power (or not); the assumption (or not) of a natural/intrinsic geopolitical condition which existence and importance is to be extended through the national geostrategic power projection. Furthermore, the political organization must be considered as a central factor, as the US is a unique political entity with only one voice in what concerns foreign, national security and defense policies while the EU is far from being one single voice in the same perspective. And the fact is that in spite of all the efforts that are being made in order to guarantee the recognition of that status as well as that of a single global actor, it is far from being able to do that, still. Clearly, those three central policies are serious contributors for that statu quo as they are considered to be the crucial ones in the external dimension, along with the economic and budgetary ones in the internal one. So, the main objective of this paper is to demonstrate that it is of the utmost importance for the US, the EU and NATO to invest in a security and defense transatlantic cooperation intelligence strategy, considering the western “vision” and shared values of the world; the flag of the human rights defense worldwide as well as the recognition of the rule of the law, and the need of the political power and influence along with a military capability that can project the force and promote the fulfillment of the objectives. Sandra Maria Rodrigues Balão, Balão ISCSP-ULisboa [CAPP(P&G)/FCT] [School of Social and Political Sciences – Lisboa University (Politics & Government Research Group - Public Policies and Administration Centre/recognized and certified by the Portuguese Science and Technology Foundaton)]
Citation:
BALÃO, Sandra Maria Rodrigues (2013). "The European Union Arctic Strategy". ArcticCircle.org Conference, Reyjkavik, October,12-14.
Abstract: Title: The EU Arctic Strategy Abstract: The EU as a supranational regional organization considers itself to be in the Arctic through three of its member states (Denmark – including Greenland; Finland and Sweden) and two of the European Economic Area Partnership (Iceland and Norway). Due to its ultra-peripheral regions, the EU has the 1st world maritime territory with 25 million km2 of economic zone and that is why issues associated to climate changes and the continental shelf enlargement are so important, namely those related with politics (in a broad sense), security & defense or trade. From 2005 until present days, the EU strategy registered some changes and its tune seems to be aligned with that of, at least, some of the most powerful world actors (as always), in what seems to be a contradiction with its own traditional ideals and values. Sandra Maria Rodrigues Balão ISCSP-ULisboa [CAPP(P&G)/FCT] [School of Social and Political Sciences – Lisboa University (Politics & Government Research Group - Public Policies and Administration Centre/recognized and certified by the Portuguese Science and Technology Foundaton)]
Citation:
BALÃO,Sandra Maria Rodrigues, 2013, "Globalização, Geopolítica e Conflito.O Caso do Árctico e a Abertuira da Rota do Norte". In António de Soua Lara (Coord.), A Crise e o Futuro, Pedro Ferreira, Rio de Mouro.
Abstract: Globalização, Geopolítica e Conflito: o caso do Árctico e a abertura da Rota do Norte por Sandra Maria Rodrigues Balão Resumo Este artigo tem três objectivos principais: equacionar, em primeiro lugar, a importância do Árctico face às transformações que lhe têm vindo a ser impostas pelas alterações climáticas a que o planeta tem vindo a assistir, sobretudo no que se refere ao potencial de conflito que lhe está subjacente. Em segundo lugar, problematizar a importância deste na definição da Política multinível, com particular incidência naquele que gostamos de designar como hiperescópico, por abranger todo o globo. Finalmente, ainda que não menos importante, aplicar o modelo de análise prospectiva à realidade existente de modo a procurar identificar e explorar as consequências das profundas transformações em curso no Árctico, assim como dos desafios a elas associadas e dos consequentes “cenários” num contexto de crise e prospectiva(s). A análise será centrada num século marcado, desde logo, por profundos desafios ambientais que se estendem até ao momento presente. Das questões da biodiversidade, passando pelas emissões de CO2 e pelo buraco na camada do ozono (que, em génese, parecem “pertencer” ainda ao século XX, tendo por base o agenda setting de organizações como a ONU [A primeira Conferência da ONU centrada na importância da preservação das espécies teve lugar em Estocolmo, em 1972, tendo dado início ao “despertar” da Sociedade Internacional para a necessidade de proteger o meio ambiente contra os diversos tipos de agressão humana (Held et al, 2001)], até chegarmos às questões mais directamente relacionadas com o mar e a sua geopolítica, parecendo estar hoje focadas no problema do degelo, na “corrida” ao Árctico e, em associação, nas decorrentes questões das reivindicações da extensão das plataformas continentais junto da Comissão criada para o efeito no seio da Organização das Nações Unidas (ONU). Finalmente, o intervalo das perspectivas a serem aqui consideradas situa-se no eixo do realismo aplicado à complexa articulação decorrente da dicotomia “crise e prospectiva(s)”, muito embora o “olhar” do cientista tenha que ser, neste caso (como em tantos outros caracterizado pela complexidade e multiplicidade de variáveis), prismático (ou, nas palavras do Professor Maltez, perspectivista) (Maltez, 2002).
Citation:
BALÃO, Sandra Maria Rodrigues. 2012. “Globalização, a Geopolítica do Mar Português e o Árctico: Perspectivas para o Século XXI”. Revista Geopolítica. CPG/Fedrave. Aveiro [forthcoming].
Citation:
BALÃO, Sandra Maria Rodrigues. 2012. "A PESC, a PESD, a PCSD e a definição da Estratégia da União Europeia para o Árctico". In "Tratado de Maastricht: 20 anos depois" - Revista Debater a Europa. n.º 6. Janeiro/Junho. CIEDA/CEIS20.
URL: http:// http://europe-direct-aveiro.aeva.eu/debatereuropa/
Citation:
BALÃO, Sandra Maria Rodrigues. 2012. "Globalização, Política Internacional e Luso-Brasilidade no Século XXI". Finis Mundi. Nº 6 (forthcoming).
Citation:
BALÃO, Sandra Maria Rodrigues. 2011. A Matriz do Poder. Uma Visão Analítica da Globalização e da Anti-Globalização no Mundo Contemporâneo. Edições MGI. Lisboa.
Citation:
BALÃO, Sandra Maria Rodrigues. 2011, “Elite, Global Governance and Democracy: the Age of Strategic High-Tech Globalization”. In Journal of US-China Public Administration. David Publishing Company. USA .[accepted for publication].
Citation:
Balão, Sandra Maria Rodrigues. 2011. “Globalização, Geopolítica da UE e as Regiões Ultraperiféricas: Poder, Segurança e “Global Commons””. In Conferência Internacional “As Ilhas e a Europa. A Europa das Ilhas”. Centro de Estudos de História do Atlântico. Funchal-Madeira. Setembro.
Citation:
Balão, Sandra Maria Rodrigues. 2011. “NATO, EU Treaty of Lisboa and Portugal: Foreign & Security/Defense Multilevel Governance and Political Authority." International Studies Association (ISA) Convention, EU, Security and Diplomacy Panel, "Global Governance: Political Authority in Transition." Montreal. Canada. March 16-19.
Citation:
Balão, Sandra Maria Rodrigues. 2011. “Interesse Público Nacional e Poder Político Supranacional. Da Utopia à Distopia”. Revista FINIS MUNDI, Antagonista, Nº 3, Amadora, Julho-Setembro. (It will be soon available in English from amazon.com)

Substantive Focus:
Energy and Natural Resource Policy
Governance SECONDARY
Defense and Security PRIMARY
International Relations
Science and Technology Policy

Theoretical Focus:
Policy History
Policy Process Theory SECONDARY
Agenda-Setting, Adoption, and Implementation PRIMARY
Policy Analysis and Evaluation

Keywords

GLOBALIZATION STRATEGY ARCTIC MULTILEVEL GOVERNANCE FOREIGN POLICY DEFENSE POLICY DEMOCRACY POLITICS OF ARCTIC GOES GLOBAL